Five years after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, Afghanistan continues to face serious questions concerning fundamental freedoms, women’s participation, judicial safeguards and the treatment of vulnerable communities. The latest human rights update issued by the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), covering July to September 2026, provides a detailed account of restrictions and violations documented under the Taliban’s de facto administration.
The findings highlight not merely isolated incidents of rights violations but an increasingly institutionalised system of social regulation, in which religious directives, morality enforcement mechanisms and administrative decisions shape the everyday lives of Afghan citizens.
Among the report’s most significant findings are at least 443 arbitrary arrests and detentions, 97 incidents of ill-treatment by personnel responsible for the propagation of virtue and prevention of vice, corporal punishment of 28 individuals, and continuing restrictions on women’s education, employment and freedom of movement.
The report also documents civilian casualties from cross-border incidents, attacks and arrests involving former Afghan security personnel, media suspensions and the closure of institutions affiliated with the Shia community.
Taken together, these developments raise an important question: five years after assuming control of Afghanistan, has the Taliban administration moved towards accountable governance, or has coercive social regulation become an increasingly defining characteristic of its governing system?
Women’s Rights: Five Years of Educational Exclusion
Perhaps the most consequential finding concerns the continued exclusion of Afghan girls and women from education.
September 2026 marked five years since girls were initially barred from attending formal education beyond Grade 6. Restrictions introduced in September 2021 were reinforced in March 2022, while women were subsequently prohibited from higher education in December 2022.
Despite the passage of five years, the report identifies no restoration of secondary or university education for Afghan girls and women.
In an interview published on 25 August, Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid attributed the continuing restrictions to unresolved religious considerations and the absence of consensus among scholars.
This explanation reflects the administration’s continued reliance on its interpretation of religious requirements to justify restrictions on women’s access to education.
The consequences extend beyond individual educational opportunities. Prolonged exclusion from secondary and higher education threatens Afghanistan’s future availability of qualified teachers, medical professionals, researchers and skilled workers.
The restrictions also raise a fundamental governance question: how can a country pursue long-term institutional development while excluding a substantial proportion of its population from advanced education?
UNAMA’s findings suggest that educational exclusion remains a structural feature of Taliban governance rather than a temporary administrative measure.
Morality Enforcement: 443 Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions
One of the most striking statistics in the report concerns the activities of the Taliban’s de facto Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.
Between 1 July and 30 September 2026, UNAMA documented at least 443 arbitrary arrests and detentions and 97 incidents of ill-treatment involving women and men.
These incidents were primarily associated with alleged violations of hijab requirements, beard trimming, Western-style haircuts, failure to attend congregational prayers and listening to or playing music.
The figures demonstrate the extent to which morality enforcement has become a significant instrument of public regulation.
UNAMA separately documented more than 50 instances involving women who were arrested, detained or cautioned over alleged hijab violations.
In one incident, a 13-year-old girl was detained overnight for alleged noncompliance with hijab requirements. In another, ten women were detained in Herat on 10 July for not wearing chadors and were released after assurances of future compliance were provided.
The report also describes a father being briefly detained because his 12-year-old daughter was not wearing a burqa.
Such incidents illustrate how enforcement measures extend beyond adult individuals to minors and family members.
The restrictions are not confined to women’s clothing. On 17 August, two barbers in Paktika were detained for one month after being accused of trimming beards and providing Western-style haircuts.
Similarly, on 21 August, approximately 100 shops in Nangarhar were suspended because their operators had reportedly failed to attend congregational prayers.
These examples raise concerns about the proportionality of enforcement measures and the extent to which personal conduct is subject to administrative punishment.
Particularly significant is UNAMA’s observation that the relevant morality law permits detention for up to three days for certain violations, yet some individuals were reportedly detained for longer periods.
This suggests a potential gap between the legal limits established by the Taliban authorities themselves and the practices of their enforcement personnel.
Women’s Mobility and Employment: Restrictions Beyond Education
The report also documents continuing restrictions on women’s freedom of movement, access to healthcare and employment.
On 8 August, two women in Parwan province were prevented from entering a healthcare facility because they were not accompanied by a mahram, or male guardian.
A similar restriction was documented in Helmand on 17 August, when a woman was prevented from entering a market without a male guardian.
These incidents illustrate how restrictions on women’s mobility can directly affect access to essential services and participation in economic and social life.
The report further references official religious guidance instructing wives to obey their husbands, remain at home and seek permission before leaving.
In an interview published on 16 August, Zabihullah Mujahid stated that women did not possess an unrestricted right to office employment, while acknowledging their participation in certain sectors considered necessary under the authorities’ interpretation of Sharia.
Another significant development concerns the United Nations itself. September 2026 marked one year since Afghan women, including female national staff, were prevented from accessing UN premises across the country.
The restrictions create practical challenges for humanitarian engagement, particularly where female personnel are needed to reach women and girls.
The cumulative effect is a system in which access to education, work, healthcare and public spaces is increasingly conditioned by gender-specific restrictions.
Former Afghan Security Personnel: The Unfulfilled Promise of Amnesty?
The Taliban announced a general amnesty for former government officials and security personnel after taking power in August 2021.
However, UNAMA’s latest findings indicate that former members of Afghanistan’s security institutions continue to face serious risks.
During the reporting period, the mission documented at least 14 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention and at least four killings involving former Afghan National Defence and Security Forces personnel.
On 9 July, a former government-affiliated individual was shot dead in Paktika, approximately three weeks after returning from Iran.
On 18 July, a former member of the Khost Protection Force was killed by unidentified armed men while spending time with his family. He had returned from the United States only ten days earlier.
On 28 July, Taliban intelligence personnel arrested a former Afghan National Police member at Kabul International Airport following his return from overseas.
These cases highlight the insecurity faced by individuals associated with Afghanistan’s former political and security structures.
It is important to distinguish between the documented incidents and the attribution of responsibility. The report identifies unidentified armed men as responsible for some killings and does not establish that Taliban authorities carried out every reported attack.
Nevertheless, the continuing vulnerability of former personnel raises questions about the effectiveness of the general amnesty and the ability of the de facto authorities to provide protection.
A meaningful amnesty requires more than an official declaration. It also requires credible implementation, protection against retaliation and accountability for violations.
Corporal Punishment and the Question of Judicial Safeguards
UNAMA documented judicial corporal punishment against 28 individuals, including 22 men and six women, between July and September.
On 4 August, four men and one woman were publicly lashed in Ghazni province after convictions involving offences including theft and extramarital relationships.
Each individual reportedly received between 36 and 39 lashes.
The punishment was carried out in the presence of officials, judges and members of the public, while photography and video recording were prohibited.
The report also notes that the de facto Supreme Court stopped publicly announcing corporal punishments through its official social media accounts and website on 22 April.
The continuation of corporal punishment, alongside reduced public reporting of such sentences, raises concerns about transparency and independent scrutiny of judicial practices.
These concerns become more significant when examined alongside the Taliban’s newly published Police Law.
The New Police Law: Expanding Authority and Restricting Public Dissent
On 22 August 2026, the Taliban Ministry of Justice published a new Police Law in Official Gazette No. 1496.
The legislation establishes rules concerning policing, detention, juvenile offenders, narcotics, kidnapping, human trafficking and the use of force.
Several provisions deserve particular attention.
Article 2(6) defines criminal conduct in relation to acts ordered or prohibited by Taliban leadership in matters concerning security and public order.
Article 41 authorises certain corrective measures against accused persons, including harsh admonishment, compelled repentance and threats of capital punishment in cases involving serious crimes.
Articles 37 to 39 provide for the use of force, including water cannons, weapons and explosives, under specified security circumstances.
More controversially, Article 50 prohibits demonstrations.
The law also contains provisions relating to the treatment of detainees. Article 14(2) prohibits beating or torture without a judicial order from a competent court, wording that raises serious questions about the scope and unconditional nature of protections against abuse.
Taken together, these provisions suggest a legal framework granting extensive authority to security institutions while placing substantial limitations on public protest and individual freedoms.
The prohibition on demonstrations is especially significant because peaceful assembly is a central mechanism through which citizens express grievances and demand accountability.
On 2 September, a Taliban spokesperson defended the restriction, arguing that criticism should instead be directed through relevant institutions.
However, the existence of administrative complaint mechanisms does not necessarily provide an equivalent substitute for peaceful public assembly, independent scrutiny or political participation.
Media Freedom: Shrinking Space for Independent Journalism
The UNAMA report also documents continued pressure on Afghanistan’s media sector.
Several media organisations were suspended during the reporting period, sometimes without clear explanations or accessible appeal procedures.
Radio Eslah was suspended on 27 July because its name was associated with a political organisation from the former Republic era.
Lapis Media Centre was suspended on 26 August over alleged links with media outlets based overseas.
Rah-e-Farda TV, a Shia-owned television network, was suspended again on 6 September after an earlier suspension between February and June.
The report notes that the earlier action followed public remarks by the network’s head supporting Pakistan’s military action against Afghan civilians and condemning retaliatory operations by the Taliban authorities.
Tamadon TV, meanwhile, had remained suspended since 23 June and subsequently resumed operations online from abroad.
Beyond institutional suspensions, journalists themselves continued to face detention.
On 5 August, a journalist in Badakhshan was arrested after criticising the authorities’ treatment of local residents. He was released the following day.
Another journalist, arrested in July 2025, remained in intelligence custody without a court conviction.
These developments highlight the vulnerability of journalists operating in an environment where criticism of the authorities may result in detention or institutional sanctions.
The broader implication concerns public accountability. Restrictions on independent media reduce the ability of citizens to obtain information, scrutinise government decisions and participate in informed public debate.
Shia Institutions: Closures, Detentions and Community Concerns
The report documents a series of incidents involving institutions affiliated with Afghanistan’s Shia community during September.
On 5 September, 28 male staff members of Khatam Al-Nabiyyin University were arrested in Kabul. Four were released the same day, while the remaining 24 were released over the following days.
On 16 September, the Taliban Ministry of Higher Education revoked the university’s operating licence in Kabul and its branch in Ghazni.
The authorities attributed the decision to regulatory violations and failure to implement corrective measures.
At least six additional individuals were detained after criticising or protesting the actions concerning the university.
On 19 September, six staff members of Al Anbiya Madrassa and cultural complex were detained and subsequently released, while the institution itself was closed.
On 27 September, authorities closed seven establishments primarily serving the Shia community in western Kabul, including educational institutions, madrasas, a medical clinic, a sports club and a mosque.
UNAMA records that the authorities linked some of these actions to disputed land ownership.
While the report does not conclusively establish religious discrimination as the motive in each case, the concentration of incidents involving Shia-affiliated institutions raises concerns regarding minority protections, institutional independence and equal treatment.
The developments warrant particular attention because restrictions on educational, medical and religious facilities may affect entire communities rather than only the individuals directly involved.
Cross-Border Violence: Civilian Casualties and Regional Security
The report also addresses civilian harm resulting from cross-border incidents involving Afghanistan.
According to UNAMA, between 1 October 2025 and 30 September 2026, cross-border incidents resulted in 512 civilians killed and 1,236 injured, representing 1,748 civilian casualties.
During the July–September reporting period, UNAMA recorded 33 civilian casualties, including 13 deaths and 20 injuries.
The mission documented several incidents attributed to Pakistani military forces, including artillery fire, shootings and airstrikes.
On 21 September, an airstrike in Kunar reportedly killed three civilians and injured four others.
On 27 September, a civilian was reportedly killed in Paktika after Pakistani forces fired at a group of men travelling on foot.
The report also describes airstrikes occurring overnight between 30 September and 1 October in Kunar and Helmand, reporting at least ten civilian deaths and 15 injuries across the two incidents.
Because those strikes crossed into October, their casualties should not simply be added to the July–September quarterly total.
UNAMA separately documented four civilians injured by pressure-plate improvised explosive devices along the border, including children involved in livestock grazing.
These findings underline the human cost of instability along the Afghanistan–Pakistan border.
At the same time, the report’s scope must be clearly understood. It documents human rights incidents and civilian casualties inside Afghanistan. It does not provide a comprehensive assessment of cross-border militancy, attacks inside Pakistan, the security rationale behind Pakistani military operations or the competing positions of the two governments.
Consequently, the report should not be treated as a complete assessment of the wider Pakistan–Afghanistan security confrontation.
Its findings do, however, reinforce the importance of civilian protection, credible investigation of reported incidents and measures to prevent further harm to border communities.
Anti-Narcotics Operations: Enforcement and Civilian Protection
Another significant incident occurred during the Taliban’s continuing campaign against poppy cultivation in Badakhshan.
On 1 August, Taliban Interior Ministry special forces attempted to arrest a man accused of transporting poppy in Yaftal district.
After the suspect escaped, personnel attempted to search his mother, provoking protests by local residents.
The confrontation escalated into violence.
According to UNAMA, Taliban special forces opened fire, killing two male residents and injuring eight men and one woman.
Two Taliban special forces officers were also reportedly killed by unidentified individuals.
The incident demonstrates the potential consequences of coercive enforcement operations when they trigger confrontation with local communities.
Although counter-narcotics enforcement is a legitimate government responsibility, its implementation requires proportionality, accountability and safeguards against excessive force.
Prisoner Releases and Legal Administration: A Contrasting Picture
While much of the UNAMA report concerns restrictions and abuses, it also records developments in Afghanistan’s justice administration.
On 27 August, the de facto Supreme Court announced that 4,249 prisoners had been released and another 4,050 had received sentence reductions in connection with the fifth anniversary of the Taliban takeover.
The authorities also reported that, over the preceding five years, 16,468 prisoners had received amnesty and 11,159 had been granted sentence reductions.
These figures were announced by the Taliban authorities and reproduced by UNAMA; the report does not present them as independently verified totals.
The Ministry of Justice also reported that its Legal Aid Directorate had participated in 109 court hearings, followed up on 355 cases, provided 52 free legal consultations and organised 41 legal awareness sessions between 17 June and 16 July 2026.
During the reporting period, the de facto Supreme Court issued 25 announcements concerning the mediation of 31 killing cases across 12 provinces.
Such developments indicate continuing administrative and judicial activity within the Taliban’s governing institutions.
However, the existence of legal services, sentence reductions and mediation mechanisms does not by itself establish the independence, fairness or accountability of the broader judicial system.
The central question remains whether these mechanisms operate with adequate safeguards for individuals subject to arrest, prosecution and punishment.
Institutionalisation of Restrictions: The Broader Pattern
The most important analytical finding emerging from the report is the relationship between individual violations and the institutional framework governing Afghanistan.
The documented restrictions are not limited to sporadic actions by local officials.
They are reinforced through formal directives, ministry instructions, legislation, public statements and administrative enforcement.
Educational restrictions are defended through religious interpretations. Women’s movement and employment are regulated through official instructions. Morality enforcement personnel exercise extensive powers over personal behaviour. The Police Law restricts demonstrations and authorises broad corrective measures. Media outlets face suspension, while educational and religious institutions can be closed through administrative decisions.
This combination suggests that restrictions on individual freedoms are increasingly embedded in the governing framework.
At the same time, the report does not provide a comprehensive nationwide measurement of every human rights violation, nor does it independently verify every figure announced by the de facto authorities.
Its findings should therefore be understood as documented evidence of significant patterns rather than an exhaustive statistical account of all conditions in Afghanistan.
Conclusion: Governance, Legitimacy and Afghanistan’s Future
Five years after the Taliban returned to power, the latest UNAMA report presents a picture of Afghanistan in which fundamental questions about rights, governance and accountability remain unresolved.
The continued exclusion of girls from secondary and higher education, extensive morality enforcement, restrictions on women’s mobility, corporal punishment, media suspensions and actions affecting minority institutions point towards a governing model that places substantial emphasis on social control.
The documented risks faced by former security personnel further challenge the credibility of protections promised under the Taliban’s general amnesty.
Meanwhile, the new Police Law raises additional concerns about the relationship between state authority, public freedoms and judicial safeguards.
The report also acknowledges administrative developments, including prisoner releases, legal aid services and judicial mediation. These activities form part of the broader governance picture, but they do not negate the concerns documented elsewhere.
Ultimately, the central issue is not simply whether the Taliban administration has established functioning institutions. It is whether those institutions provide equal protection, meaningful accountability and fundamental rights to the population they govern.
Afghanistan’s long-term stability cannot be assessed solely through the exercise of territorial authority or the enforcement of public order. The protection of civilians, access to education, judicial fairness, minority rights and freedom of expression remain essential measures of sustainable governance.
The July–September 2026 UNAMA update offers a clear warning: without credible safeguards for fundamental freedoms and accountability, the institutional consolidation of Taliban rule risks further entrenching the restrictions and grievances that continue to shape Afghanistan’s political and social future.
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